It's been amusing to watch the incoming Republican representatives and senators as they make their way through the thicket of cable news and Sunday morning talk shows. Almost to a person, they cite the need for the American people to have "adult conversations" about the budget deficit. But when the time comes to actually answer a question about the debt – like what specific budget cuts would be made – the squirming is accompanied by non-answers and vagueness.
Of course, the problem is that no politician will publicly advocate cutting Social Security or Medicare. Republicans, especially, aren't going to think about cutting the defense budget. Yet those three items comprise a significant chunk of the federal budget. If one were to eliminate the Department of Education, a favorite whipping post and red herring for GOPers, it would save such a small amount of money compared to the deficit that it wouldn't be worth it.
The budget deficit is a major problem. One of the reasons Democrats had their hats handed to them on Election Day was that they were perceived as being "big spenders." But rather than an either/or plan, Congress must come up with a deficit reduction solution that includes both tax increases and spending cuts. At the same time, Congress must be brave enough to let the Bush tax cuts expire for the wealthiest Americans (above $250,000 a year) and extend unemployment benefits.
When Republicans take control of the House in January, Democrats must hold firm against the GOP's penchant for double talk. And Democrats must insist on getting real answers from their GOP counterparts for specific budget cuts. Even Tea Partier Rand Paul, the senator-elect from Kentucky, who campaigned on voting against raising the debt ceiling, won't be caught on TV calling for a decrease in Social Security of Medicare.
The New York Times created a deficit reduction puzzle to let readers weigh in. Nearly 7,000 people responded with a variety of suggested fixes; and while it's not a scientific sample, one consensus emerged: reduce the military to less than its size before the Iraq war. That does not include decreasing pay and benefits for the military – the choice of only about 40 percent of respondents. There was agreement, too, for reducing nuclear arsenals and space-based missile defense spending.
When the Republicans were in the minority, they became the party of no, criticizing virtually every Democratic proposal. When the next Congress convenes in January, Democrats in the Senate, which they still control, must hold firm and not allow House Republicans to distort and obstruct proposals. Who knows? Maybe the country will get lucky and the House GOP will shut down the government. We remember how that turned out for them the last time they did the same thing during the Clinton administration.
DADT report on its way
We're pleased that Defense Secretary Gates pushed his staff to release the much-anticipated Pentagon Working Group's report on "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" on November 30, one day ahead of the original date. Congress doesn't have much time left in this lame-duck session and the Senate must act soon and vote to repeal this anti-gay policy. Gates has reportedly also warned leaders that if Congress fails to repeal DADT, the courts may order other changes that military leaders consider too fast or too poorly thought out, according to an Associated Press report. There's good reason for military brass to be concerned. Earlier this fall, a federal judge in Riverside found DADT unconstitutional and ordered its enforcement to cease. However, an appellate court granted a stay to the judge's order while the case makes its way through the appeals process, meaning DADT is still in effect.
While Gates realizes that it would be better to have the policy repealed along the careful timeline he and the administration developed, it is dependent on congressional action.
Congress must repeal the ban.